October
29, 2007
Bush: If
It Failed Everywhere Else, Let’s Do It in Cuba Too
The
Johnny-One-Note Administration is playing its music with a
Latin beat, by applying the only approach it knows to the
dynamic Cuban situation. The president is assuring any
doubters that the U.S. government will continue its
unsuccessful Cuba policy of 50 years – namely, saying their
government is evil, refusing to deal with it in any
constructive manner and unsuccessfully pleading with other
countries to follow suit.
The
administration’s stated policy seems designed to achieve
several objectives – limiting its own options in responding
to current changes, ensuring the new leadership has less
incentive toward reform and announcing that potential
competitors for Cuba’s business have nothing to fear from
us. Some misguided folks might see an opportunity for
correcting a fruitless course and gaining new leverage. But
“stay the course” is again the phrase of the day. No
quitters we.
Describing
the complexity of the present Cuban situation as merely a
brotherly transfer of power is Mesopotamianly simplistic.
The dynamics of Cuban politics have been precarious for some
time. Clearly the Commandante’s mystique and charisma have
largely kept the basic structure of the regime in place.
Without his persona at the helm, many existing forces are
likely to bubble to the surface.
Our
president is right that many Cubans want to be more like us
– at least economically – Michael Moore’s rendition of their
health system notwithstanding. There are reports that many
pre-Castro evils are recurring – rampant prostitution,
economic disparities and social discontent. But Cubans are
proud of many aspects of their situation – gains in
education, yes, health and a government that has refused to
be pushed around by Uncle Sam and gotten away with it for so
long. Many dislike multiple aspects of their current system
and want serious change, but they will never fight to trade
their “revolution” for George W. Bush’s “democracy”.
Our
actions all but ensure that when the dust finally clears,
our friends will be a small and marginal minority, as are
our “friends” in many other countries. We are not doing them
a service with our narrow-minded “support”. They also ensure
that the U.S. will be left out of lucrative business
opportunities that others exploit during this dynamic
period.
The
administration uses the same hammer for any type of nail
that comes its way. Divide people into “good” and “evil”,
threaten, and then attempt to bludgeon the evil people into
submission – first by other means, then by force.
You’d
think the failure of this approach to yield positive results
might cause some reflection and review. But these aren’t
apparently in the repertoire of the decider. As has been
pointed out in several recent books and articles, the job of
the decider is deciding, which doesn’t include
second-guessing any of those decisions, regardless of the
results or situation on the ground.
The good
can do no wrong, incompetence and even corruption
notwithstanding. And the evil can do nothing good, no matter
how balances of power and interests may shift. The Bible
teaches that God would rather have the sinner repent than be
destroyed. Good enough for God perhaps, but not for this
administration.
I was no
fan of Ronald Reagan as president. He shared qualities with
this president – deeply conservative instincts, the
willingness to make unpopular decisions, very little in the
way of intellectual curiosity – rather a tendency to apply
basic principles and intuition to the situation of the
moment. But even Reagan took the world as it came, rather
than as he wished it were. He used U.S. power in ways that
generally avoided outright military force. He cut and ran
when useful.
Relying on
force or the threat of force as a principal strategy may
have had some possibility when the U.S. had the large
preponderance of power in the world, though even then with
limits and downside. Now with power and influence more
evenly balanced, especially economic, this approach mostly
makes us look silly and emboldens and empowers our
adversaries.
We are
still the most powerful nation on the planet, but raw power
now has its limits. We can’t get the Germans or the French
to support sanctions on Iran. We can’t get the Turks not to
attack Kurdistan, the only area of Iraq that has remotely
complied with our vision for that country. We can’t even get
the Kurds to placate the Turks by, imagine, fighting
terrorism on their own soil.
Our
current leadership has not factored new power limitations,
and much else, into current decision-making. Nostalgia feels
good, but it can be disastrous as a focus of foreign policy.
Cuba, just 90 miles from Florida, is an unfortunate example
of this limitation. It’s not the most dangerous.